Monday, February 1, 2016

Heidegger, a treacherous millésime…



Charlie Hebdo (12/2015): How can anyone still be Heideggerian today?


The words of the prophet are… / whispered in the sounds of silence.
The Bard famously asserted that "A rose by any other name would smell as sweet"; but while this may hold true for roses or for the awareness of love that moves a young Romeo when thinking of the Beloved, this sentiment does not hold for philosophy. Not all philosophy is worthwhile philosophy. In this at least, philosophy is more nearly akin to viniculture than to horticulture: there are good vintages and bad vintages, even in the most desirable of regions. And it seems now, finally, that the fat lady has sung out loud and clear for the “prophet”: Martin Heidegger, both man and thought, is simply a bad vintage.
            What do we do now, though? With bad wine it is at least sometimes possible to recycle it—to use it to spice up the cooking, or to make red wine vinegar, or even to engage in some private-time vinotherapy. But what does one do with bad philosophy, especially when it seems so smart?

And the people bowed and prayed / To the neon god they made.
Ever since Victor Farias put his foot in it, again, with his 1987 book Heidegger and Nazism, French intellectuals and philosophers have been working assiduously on the latest incarnation of “l’affaire Heidegger,” which Richard Wolin (1993) has translated as The Heidegger Controversy for those who work in English. Since the post-war period there have been many players in this international game, but the key figures in this current French scrimmage are Emmanuel Faye, with his 2005 book “Heidegger, l’introduction du nazisme dans le philosophie autour des séminaires inédits de 1933-1935,” and François Rastier, with his (2015) “Naufrage d’un prophète, Heidegger aujourd’hui,” which has not yet been translated into English. And while there have been overtones of an ungracious Lebensmüdigkeit apparent in the critical acknowledgment of these recurrent publications and debates concerning Heidegger’s relationship to the Nazi state, which is a redundant and wearisome theme to some, there is an excellent reason for the cyclical nature of this controversy surrounding Martin Heidegger, and it has to do with The Master’s own pre-programmed schedule for the publication of his writings.

Hello darkness, my old friend…”
The latest writings to be published in Martin Heidegger’s Collected Works have been his Black Notebooks (Schwarze Hefte), which were composed and amassed by Heidegger between 1931 and his death in 1976, and which finally began to make their appearance in the Collected Works in 2014. And because they are emerging only now, in the final stages of the publication of his philosophical opus, the timing of which was pre-determined by Heidegger himself, philosophers and intellectuals are right to construe these latest publications as representing, in some sense, a crowning feature in the monumental edifice of Heideggerian Thought. According to philosophy professor (UK) Gregory Fried, writing in Foreign Affairs, “Heidegger clearly intended [the Notebooks] to serve as the capstone to his published works, and they contain his unexpurgated reflections on this key period. Shortly before his death, Heidegger wrote up a schedule stipulating that the notebooks be published only after all his other writings were. That condition having been met, Trawny [the editor] has so far released three volumes (totaling roughly 1,200 pages), with five more planned.”
This sets up the context for the controversy.

People talking without speaking, / People hearing without listening…”
One understands that part of the French motivation for their recent due-diligence in revisiting Heidegger’s “thought” has to do with the fact that among European intellectuals the French reception of Heidegger has been extremely enthusiastic, if not outright exceptional, profoundly influencing household-name intellectuals such as Sartre, Foucault, and Derrida. The French reception of Heidegger, both man and thought, greatly surpassed his reception in the world of Anglo-American philosophy, and also clearly overshadowed the rather mitigated post-war reception of The Master among his compatriots.
Another reason for the recent French assiduity is that, as it turns out, Heidegger was not just a part-time Nazi philosopher with a passing interest in Nazi values. The entire warp and woof of his thought-world is clearly interwoven with a longing for the revocation of Enlightenment rationalism, as well as with the affirming patterns of German and Volkish nationalism, and therefore also with an evolved and unmitigated anti-Semitism. Gregory Fried reminds us that with Heidegger it was so right from the beginning: “It is hard to exaggerate just how ambitious Heidegger was in publishing his breakout work, Being and Time, in 1927. In that book, he sought nothing less than a redefinition of what it meant to be human, which amounted to declaring war on the entire philosophical tradition that preceded him.”
One is also reminded that Derrida’s language of “deconstruction” is actually his disingenuously generous translation for Heidegger’s philosophical agenda of “Destruktion” –the destruction of European Enlightenment, of non-German identity, and of the Jew. And some French scholars are beginning to realize about this Heideggerian thought-world, that the results of an agenda of Destruktion for philosophy can only ever be so many echoes “in the wells of silence.”

[IMAGE FROM RISS – FUME, C’EST DU HEIDEGGER]

Riss: Here, smoke a little of this; it's some Heidegger

The following is Phrontisterion’s translation of Charlie Hebdo’s (December 2015) interview with François Rastier, author of  Naufrage d’un prophète, Heidegger aujourd’hui (PUF: 2015).

“How can anyone still be a Heideggerian?” (Comment peut-on être heideggérien aujourd’hui ?) by Yann Diener (Charlie Hebdo No 1221/16 December 2015)

Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) is considered to be the greatest philosopher of the 20th century. He is studied in all the universities of the world, and his aura [of influence] goes well beyond philosophy departments. But then, post mortem, this sacred animal [of philosophy] comes along, in person, to bring heartache to his disciples. You ask: What is the rapport with psychoanalysis?

Heidegger has fascinated generations of philosophers and intellectuals, among whom Levinas, Sartre, and Arendt, who were his students in Germany in the 1920s. They are fascinated because their professor has undertaken a return to the question of Being, a question that has been thoroughly dominated for some 2,000 years by Plato. Heidegger announces to his students that this question can no longer be ‘thought’ except in German. That should already have started the wheels turning.

Everyone has known for a long time that Heidegger was a member of the Nazi Party. But his admirers and translators have always tried to relativize, by maintaining that he was Nazi the way “everyone was a Nazi in the day,” and that his philosophical work can be separated from this temporary commitment of convenience. But this contorting negation won’t work anymore: Heidegger’s most recent writings, that are only being published now because this is how he wanted it, are openly anti-Semitic and Nazi. Post mortem, these are the texts that have come to crown the complete works of some 100 volumes, and that by their publication vindicate the few philosophers who have been identifying violent elements in Heidegger’s writings for years. The president of the Heidegger Archives resigned; the zealots are panicking; and some are wavering between negation and affirmation: Slavoj Žižek has now declared that Heidegger is not great despite Hitler, but thanks to Hitler. And Badiou considers that one can be or can have been “anti-communist, Stalinist, philo-Semite, anti-Semite, hostile to women, feminist, in the resistance, a Nazi or a follower of Mussolini, […] and still be a philosopher of the highest importance” [consulted, 070116; http://strassdelaphilosophie.blogspot.fr/2014/04/lettre-dalain-badiou-propos-dune.html].

Using Heidegger’s unpublished seminars from the 1930s, the philosopher Emmanuel Faye showed already in 2005 that one really cannot separate Heidegger’s philosophy from Nazi ideas. His book, Heidegger, the Introduction of Nazism into Philosophy, garnered Faye a massive number of insults, but no challenger with any serious arguments.

A PHILOSOPHY THAT IS REALLY CRIMINOLOGY’S CONCERN

In the most recent editions, published this year, Heidegger says more clearly than ever that he lays the blame for every evil at the feet of the Jews, and most especially for having sealed off the question of Being. He calls for the “total extermination” of the internal enemy, and laments that the Allied victory in 1945 came along to interrupt the great purifying firestorm: just like the delirium of the Nazis, Heidegger’s thought is not only a negation of Difference or the Other, it is also defined by a millennialism that is also apocalyptic and conspiracist. It is for these reasons that Heidegger’s thought has been so warmly received, not only by German Neo-Nazis—their slogan is a phrase from Heidegger dating from 1933, but also by the Iranian Ahmadinejad, the Russian ultranationalist Alexandre Douguine, and Islamists like Omar Ibrahim Vadillo. The French philologist, François Rastier, who is a research scholar at CNRS, documents the logic of this convergence in his recently published book, The Shipwreck of a Prophet (PUF: 2015): “Is a philosophy that calls for murder anything other than a dangerous ideology?” François Rastier shows how Heidegger, for a long time, encrypted his writings with what he himself called pseudonyms, “because minds were not ready.” Now, the Master has given us the keys to reading him truly. Reading Heidegger closely would have the advantage of allowing for a reasoned critic of a number of disciplines—including psychoanalysis—that have been marked, more or less directly, by his disastrous ideas. This would represent an enormous amount of work, of course. But this question about [Heidegger] has a direct rapport with the current political banalization of Hate: Should Heidegger be read even more closely now in the regions of Provence, Alps, Cote d’Azur (PACA) and the Nord-Pas-de Calais [Editor’s Note: regions having a strong showing of Front National (FN)]?

[IMAGE FROM RISS – JE ME SUIS BIEN FOUTU DE BOTRE GUEULE, BANDE DE CONS]

Martin Heidegger: I got you good, you pathetic dumb-shits (Complete Works)

Interview with François Rastier, linguist: “Heidegger’s Thought Provides Fuel for Every Sort of Radicalism” (Charlie Hebdo No 1222/23 December 2015)

Although Martin Heidegger’s commitment to Nazism was known, the German philosopher has continued to fascinate generations of philosophers and intellectuals. After years of playing hide-n-seek, his published works have now been crowned by the publication of texts that are explicitly Nazi. When the philosopher, Emmanuel Faye, published his Heidegger, the Introduction of Nazism into Philosophy in 2005, he was rewarded by copious insults from Heideggerians, who accused him of staining Philosophy, but who did not substantiate their claims with any reasoned arguments.

INTERVIEW.

The linguist, François Rastier, research scholar at CNRS, has just published a book that thoroughly examines the Heidegger Question and shows how Heidegger encrypted his writings with pseudonyms [Deckwörte], while waiting for a more propitious climate for their reception. Heideggerian scholars and thinkers, who still try to trivialize the situation, agree that this is not a minor critique; it is a political question that touches upon the current disregard for and contempt of various hatreds and identity posturing.

CHARLIE HEBDO: You’ve recently published a book, The Shipwreck of a Prophet (PUF: 2015). What type of situation prompted this publication?
François Rastier: The racist and anti-Semitic murders committed in 2012, 2014, 2015, and the criminal attacks directed against our liberties and against our culture. The ingredients were racial hatred; the easy stigmatization of a fanaticized Western culture; being horrified of Human Rights and of the democratic project; and the refusal of any form of rationality and of any reality principle. So, two years ago the Black Notebooks began to be published, which crown the pre-programmed publication of the complete works of Heidegger, and they very clearly tie together his Nazi theses concerning the criminality of “world Jewry,” and the sufferings of a Germany that had become, according to the philosopher, a vast concentration camp after Hitler’s defeat. Apparently, we are under the rule of a Jew-ridden and “calculating” techno-science belonging to a globalized West, etc. Heidegger, reputed to be “the greatest philosopher of the 20th century,” whose academic credentials are unassailable, inspired the deconstruction movement and, through that movement, the ubiquitous discipline of cultural studies. Heidegger is a common-place reference in artistic circles. But let’s not forget that he sat on the commission that elaborated the Nuremberg (Race) Laws, which provided the legal framework for the extermination that was in preparation. Why and how did Heidegger so fascinate his students and interpreters? Heidegger preached a “return to Being,” this divine topic for philosophers, which was supposedly perverted by Judeo-Christianity. But in fact Heidegger reveals to us today that Being was a pseudonym for fatherland: it was ultra-nationalism. For Heidegger, because the Jews are not rooted in any particular soil, they are therefore stateless; so they do not have Being. They do not truly exist—which is the reason for his 1949 question about victims of the camps: “Do they die?”

CHARLIE HEBDO: You demonstrate that Heidegger is a millennialist. Today, though, we are dealing with prophets who have diverse styles and perspectives.
François Rastier: The boat has been taking on water for a long time, most especially due to a publication by Marcuse in 1933. All the while pretending to ask questions, Heidegger preaches “Sacrifice” (Sein-zum-Tote) in the name of the Community of people. He pulls the strings of being a prophet, which is normal for extreme right-wing, esoteric sects (Heidegger was a member of The League of the Grail), which accompanied the creation of the Nazi party. Hitler, himself, speaks of these prophesies, invokes God, and concludes his speeches with ‘Amen’! After the war, Heidegger will say: “Only a god can save us.” Political Theology, as one sees every day, calls for murder and justifies it: it is a sacred imperative.

CHARLIE HEBDO: You characterize contemporary radicalisms. Why are there so many politicians and intellectuals who consider themselves Heideggerian? Is there a religious dimension in his writings?
François Rastier: For three generations Heidegger has been a pons asinorum for philosophy classes (NT: bridge of asses. Metaphorically: a puzzle whose solution separates the smart from the dumb). From Sartre to Arendt, from Derrida to Lyotard, from BHL (Bernard Henri Levy) to Finkielkraut by way of Badiou, Heidegger is an authority to be reckoned with. But his radicalism is seductive to diverse courants of thought. First of all, to the neo-Nazis. For example, the NPD (National Democratic Party of Germany), which is the “moral” successor of the Nazi Party), has for its slogan a phrase from the Master and takes for their own his theory about the responsibility of the Jews in their own extermination. Secondly, there is the National Bolshevik Front, as exemplified by Alexandre Douguine, which represents the most aggressive wing of Russian militarism. Douguine does not content himself with just publishing books in favor of Heidegger, when he was interviewed by Von Hermann (the Master’s trusted confident), Douguine declared in 2014 that “Russia should invade Europe,” and called for the assassination of the leadership in Kiev. Thirdly, Islamism: on the one hand there is the Shiite faction, avec the Heideggerian school in Teheran, which transposes the function of the Führer with that of the ruling ayatollah (Ahmadinejad is representative of this group), and on the other hand there is the faction of the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood: Tariq Ramadan uses Heidegger whenever it is necessary, and Al Jazeera, which derives from this informal movement in Qatar, lends it microphones to the stars of Heideggerianism, such as Slavoj Žižek and Gianni Vattimo. For Al Jazeera Žižek has become the go-to pundit on the subject of Arab revolutions, in order to warn them against Western democracies. Fourthly, university radicalism remains Heideggerian: Žižek long ago asserted that “Hitler did not go far enough.” In 2005 Vattimo agreed with Ahmadinejad about “the idea of making the State of Israel disappear from the map,” and compared Ahmadinejad to the resistance fighters (maquisards) of the underground Al-Zarqawi, who was at that time leader of Al-Qaida in Irak, which was the germinating seed from which Daech would spring. Badiou justified the invasion of the Crimea and became all weepy about veiled women: they were resisting millions of potential “police auxiliaries,” who, according to him, began marching in the streets in response to the attacks against Charlie and l’Hyper Cacher.
            All of these radicalisms have a common enemy: The West; and more specifically: Enlightenment freedoms.
           
CHARLIE HEBDO: Had Heidegger anticipated an even greater adhesion to his ideas after his death?
François Rastier: As a partisan of the 1,000-year Reich, Heidegger thought in terms of centuries and was persuaded that his radical works would be well received: he was certainly aiming for a radicalization of his disciples. In 2001 there was a text calling for “total annihilation” and nobody said anything. Yes, Heidegger anticipated that his most aggressive writings would be welcomed by this new century like manna from heaven. It is up to us to prove him wrong.

CHARLIE HEBDO: In quoting Rithy Panh – “Before any massacre, there is an idea”—you ask the question concerning the responsibility of thought.
François Rastier: It’s the very least one can do. For Heidegger, morality does not exist, or, to put it briefly, it is a dangerous Judeo-Christian sentimentality. Badiou follows this up by saying that Nazism is absolutely unimportant in philosophy. Authors like Peter Trawny and Di Cesare now portray Heidegger as a courageous partisan of freedom, and especially the freedom to go to the extreme; as a sort of anarchist, a “no-global” who provides inspiration for the battle against globalization. On the model of groups such as CasaPound in Italy, (which also happens to claim Heideggerian inspiration), one is trying to create a trendy and uninhibited (décomplexé) neo-fascism, which makes us forget about that old, dusty Hitlerism.”

Silence like a cancer grows…"

Further reading:

Friday, January 1, 2016

« Fanaticism »


“…non abbiamo potuto non vedere” (…we could not not see)—
Primo Levi (from The Drowned and the Saved)
Thomas Jefferson

« Fanaticism »

As we pivot into this new year, and just before we jump and shoot into our futures, it is only natural that we look backwards at the groundwork laid during the year that has, even just now, become our yesterday. This is an unqualified good. Because History shall one day write that the war of supremacy, or at the very least a significant conflict in that Total War, was formally launched, yet again, between Enlightenment philosophy and totalitarian Theocracy. The battle lines in this war of ideas began clearly and unquestionably to take shape in 2015 as they were dug in the sandy terrain of ideas and opinions, and the opening salvos were rude and bloody. That History to come will not allow us to say that we have not seen.
            In the debate that must come concerning the place and role of religion in the civil society of the 21st century, Voltaire is a wonderful starting point. Because he takes himself seriously, mockingly. Which is a breathe of fresh air in the rather stultifying atmosphere of pedants and pundits, journalists, hypocrites, politicians, and other such critters.
            Consider for a second an informative interview with Rachid al-Ghannouchi, leader of Tunisia’s Ennahda Party, a moderate Islamist political party, also known as the Renaissance Party. In this interview al-Ghannouchi praises the new Tunisian constitution (passed in January 2014), saying that he does not “regard it as a secular constitution, but as one that unites Islam, democracy and modernity.” Al-Ghannouchi rightly points out that “There are Christian democratic parties in many European countries, such as Germany; elsewhere, there are democratic parties with Buddhist or Hindu backgrounds. Why should there not be Islamic democratic parties?”
            As a new-world Hamlet may have said under these circumstances: this, is entirely the question! Why do Enlightenment nations continue to insist on sharing the covers of civil society with institutions of religion dedicated to anti-Enlightenment values and goals? Per Voltaire and Jefferson, Enlightenment societies are deliberately and philosophically constructed so as to keep competing ‘powers’ separate in the civic life of the polis. The argument framing the core of Secularism as a sublunary and philosophical ideal, is precisely the guarantee of freedoms in order to prevent “the perversion of power into tyranny.” This, explains Jefferson, is why the role of education in the civil society is especially important:
The most effectual means of preventing [the perversion of power into tyranny]”, are to illuminate, as far as practicable, the minds of the people at large, and more especially to give them knowledge of those facts which history exhibits, that possessed thereby of the experience of other ages and countries, they may be enabled to know ambition under all its shapes, and prompt to exert their natural powers to defeat its purposes” (Thomas Jefferson: Diffusion of Knowledge Bill, 1779. FE 2:221, Papers 2:526).

The religious worldview, the very spirit of religion, is per se authoritarian; it is the incarnation of a totalitarian mindset. The Apostle Paul reminds us in Romans 13 that “all authority is given by god…” Of course it is; and as an anchoring idea, this one means that all religions, or at the very least, all theistic religions, including Christianity, are structurally and formally theocratic, and that they therefore stand in opposition to the wider conception of the liberal democracy. This is axiomatic. The convert is called upon to commit to the total ‘truth’ of the vision, to the dictatorship of ‘The Truth’, then to submit to the authority of the ‘Truth’s’ divine representative. Thus, to turn al-Ghannouchi’s expression back upon himself as the representative of politicized Islam: “If you sow dictatorship, you harvest terrorism.”
            In his interview, however, al-Ghannouchi wanders around in an irrational, and even fanatic labyrinth of disingenuous equivocation, and for the greater disinformation of his under-informed reading audience, equivocates between “moderate secularism” and “moderate Islam,” as though secularism is also, by definition, some sort of religious ‘opinion’ or ‘point of view’. And yet precisely the opposite is the case: if the notion of Enlightenment that inspired Voltaire and Jefferson is to survive as a philosophical ideal, then the concept of Secularism as an Enlightenment value must be more fully and forcefully integrated into civil society. Which brings us round full circle back to Voltaire.
            The following translation (Phrontisterion 2015) is composed of excerpted, and selected juicier bits from Voltaire’s rather lengthy analysis of “Fanaticism,” section II (from Oeuvres complètes de Voltaire, tome 7, Dictionnaire philosophique, I, Paris: Furne et Cie, 1847, 562-564.)

“If this expression [Fanaticism] is still linked to its original sense, it is surely only by a slender thread.
            Fanaticus used to be an honorable title, signifying one who is a servant or benefactor of a temple. […] [But] does the word fanaticus mean in this place [in Cicero’s text], a demented fanatic, a pitiless fanatic, a horrible fanatic, as one uses it today? Or, rather, does it signify pious, consecrator, a man who is religious, a devout supporter of temples? Is this word in Cicero an insult or ironic praise? […]
            Today one understands fanaticism as somber and cruel religious folly. It is a sickness of the mind that one catches like smallpox. Meetings and speeches are more often responsible for its transmission than books. Reading a book rarely fires one up; because then reason calms us down again. But when a speaker who is ardent and possessed of a wonderful imagination begins talking to poorer intellects, his eyes are on fire, and this fire gets communicated; his speech intonations and his gestures spark all the nerves in the audience. He shouts: God is watching, sacrifice to Him that which is nothing more than human; fight the battles of the Lord: and we go off and fight.
            Fanaticism is to superstition what euphoria is to fever, and what rage is to anger. Whoever has ecstatic trances, and visions, whoever takes his dreams for realities, and his imaginings for prophesies, is a novice fanatic of great promise: he may soon kill for the love of God.  
            Bartholomew Diaz was a professed fanatic. He had a brother in Nuremberg, Jean Diaz, who was nothing more than a fervent Lutheran, heartily convinced that the Pope is the Antichrist, and that he was marked with the sign of the Beast. Bartholomew, who was even more persuaded that the Pope was God on earth, left Rome in order to convert or to kill his brother: he assassinated him. That was just perfect; but then we also rendered justice for justice to this Diaz.   
            Polyeucte, who goes regularly to temple, and on a high holy day knocked over and broke the statues and ornaments, is a fanatic less horrible than Diaz, but not less idiot. The assassins of Duke François de Guise, of William of Orange, of King Henry III, and of King Henry IV, and of so many others, were maniacs sick with the same rage as Diaz.
            The absolutely best example of fanaticism is that of those bourgeois in Paris who, the night of the Saint-Bartholomew, ran around assassinating, cutting throats, defenestrating, and hacking to bits their neighbors who did not go to Mass. Guyon, Patouillet, Chaudon, Nonotte, and the ex-Jesuit Paulian, are nothing more than street-corner fanatics, wretches nobody pays attention to: but then, on a day like the Saint-Bartholomew, they go and do big things.
            There are cold-blooded fanatics, like the judges who condemn to death those whose only crime is not to think like they think. And these judges are all the more guilty, all the more worthy to be execrated by the human species, because, not being carried away by an onset of rabid passion like the Clements, the Chastels, the Ravaillacs, and the Damiens, it would seem like they could still hear the voice of reason.
            There is no other remedy to this epidemic infection than the philosophical spirit, which, transmitted from neighbor to neighbor, finally softens men’s manners; and this prevents the onset of the disease. Because as soon as the disease begins to make progress, everyone has to flee and wait until the air is pure again. Laws and religion cannot withstand the plague of the soul. Religion, far from being a salutary sustenance for the soul, becomes poison in infected brains. These wretches continually have in their minds the example of Aod, who assassinated King Eglon; of Judith, who cut off Holophernes’ head while sleeping with him; of Samuel, who hacked King Agag into bits; of the priest, Joad, who assassinated his queen in the stable doorway; etc., etc., etc. They see only these examples, which, while they may have been respectable in Antiquity, are become repulsive in our time. These unfortunates draw their fury from the same religion that condemns them.
            Our laws are still largely powerless to stop this rabid onslaught: it is as if you were reading statutory bylaws to a fanatic. These are folks who are persuaded that the holy spirit spurring them on is above our laws, and that their fervor is the only law they should observe.
            What does one respond to a man who says to you that he prefers obeying God rather than men, and who, as a result, is sure to win heaven by cutting your throat? Like gangrene, once fanaticism has reached the brain, the infection is almost incurable. I have seen convulsionaires who, all the while speaking of the miracles of Saint Paris, gradually got themselves all worked up: their eyes became enflamed, their whole body started trembling, their faces became disfigured with fury, and they would have killed anyone who would have contradicted them.
            Yes, I have seen these convulsionaires; I have seen them foam at the mouth and twist their arms and legs around. They would cry out: “We need blood.” They succeeded in getting their king assassinated by one of his domestics, and finally settled on just going after philosophers.
            It is almost always conniving rascals who drive fanatics onwards, and who put the knife in their hands. These rascals are like the Old Man in the Mountain who, according to legend, used to give idiots a foretaste of the joys of paradise, who would promise them an eternity of the pleasures they tasted with him, on the condition that they would go and assassinate everyone that he would indicate to them. There has only ever been one religion in the world that has not been contaminated by fanaticism, and that is the one practiced by educated Chinese. Their sects of philosophers were not only exempt from this plague, but they were in fact the remedy for it; because the result of philosophy is to calm the soul, and fanaticism is incompatible with tranquility of spirit.
            If our sainted religion has often been corrupted by this infernal frenzy, we have only the folly of men to blame.”

Further reading:
·      Tunisia at the Crossroads: An Interview with Sheikh Rachid al-Ghannouch @ http://africacenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/Noureddine-Jebnoun_Tunisia-at-the-Crossroads_April-2014.pdf
·      An article (FR) by Monique Legrand containing a significant excerpt of Voltaire’s entry on « Fanatisme » @ http://www.ecoledeslettres.fr/actualites/education/fanatisme-article-du-dictionnaire-philosophique-portatif-de-voltaire-1764/

Tuesday, December 1, 2015

Paris and Charlie Hebdo: Enlightenment versus Obscurantism


So, here we are—yet again. And so soon after the Charlie Hebdo slaughter of February 7th, 2015. The new century is still in its early adolescence, and to the rallying cry of  “Je suis Charlie,” which still echoes in the hearts and minds of a stunned world, must already be added another, “J’suis Paris!” The fight is on. The outcome—anyone’s guess; and the bookies are giving even odds with an overtime finish. In the near corner, in the red-spattered clothes: enlightenment philosophy translated into political, democratic freedoms. As with Charlie Hebdo: on the line is the firm conviction that individuals can live out their lives freely, and that “liberty and equality will yield a greater harvest of human joy and fulfillment than any form of tyranny, whether of religion or of state.” Versus, in the far corner, the tag-team of Religious Fundamentalism: on the one side those in taqiyah skullcaps carrying Kalashnikovs, and on the other the hallelujah gunmen (cf. here and here and especially here; analysis here) of the Christianized moral majority—a tag-team who will, if they can, bring us all, heads bowed and chanting “Praise the Lord” or “Allah Akbar,” into their obscurant fraternity of submission.
           
Liberty leading the People
 To again borrow upon Abraham Lincoln’s rhythms—we are now engaged in a great contest, to determine whether Men and Nations, “conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal,” can long endure. And whether “government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall […] perish from the earth.”

The following text is Phrontisterion’s translation of Riss’s Editorial from November 18th, 2015 (CH #1217), the first edition of Charlie Hebdo to appear on the newsstands after the massacre by Islamic fundamentalists in Paris on November 13th. The attackers killed 130 people. There were 368 injuries. French authorities killed seven of the attackers. One (and perhaps a second) has eluded arrest, to date.

(Phrases marked with an asterisk* were spoken live on the set of LCI [the French Info Channel] the night of the terrorist attacks).

“An evening we’ll remember for a long time.”*

This Friday evening, in a Parisian bistro, the discussion between friends of Charlie led, as it so often does, to telling the story, for the umpteenth time, of the events of January 7th. Each one tells about what he lived through that day, where he was at the precise moment of the attack, in the [Charlie] offices or outside, on the sidewalk. And as we rehash the traumas and anxieties of the ones and the others, a policeman tasked with our protection comes toward us and whispers in our ears: “Are you going to be staying long?” And he adds: “There’s just been an attack at the Stade de France.” We immediately ask for the bill, get into the car, and, 15 minutes later, after crossing Paris, we are at home, sitting in front of the television, safely confined, to protect ourselves against the wolves that just entered Paris.

“Contrary to the month of January, this time it’s just a blind massacre.” *

Paris has once again been attacked. We knew that the January attacks would be followed by other attacks. We were waiting, resigned, for it to fall on our heads, like the sword of Damocles, or the V1 and the V2 rockets during the war. “Blood and tears,” prophesized Churchill. And so it is. Without realizing it, the Parisians of 2015 have become a little like the Londoners of 1940, determined not to yield either to fear or to acceptance, no matter what should happen to fall on their heads. It is the only response one can make to terrorists—by way of making ineffectual the very terror they try to create.

“Didier Deschamps [current head coach of the French national football team] cancelled his press conference.” *

After the attack against Charlie the mistake was to believe that it was going to happen again. But, no, nothing identical to it happened. Simultaneous attacks, explosive vests—stuff never seen before in France. The next time, as well, it will be different. Perhaps a booby-trapped truck loaded with explosives, or something else entirely, that even the police can’t imagine. We have the impression of always being one step behind terrorist perversities. The criminal imagination of those who are free is anemic compared to that of killers alienated in terms of an ideology. As if the only type of liberty authorized by their religious ideology were that of killing. A kind of Islamist May 68: “Imagination in power, but only the imagination to kill.” “Enjoy without boundaries, but enjoy only slaughtering without boundaries.”

“There is no reason why France, which is involved in Syria, should not be hit.” *

After the horrors of the attacks we are going to have to submit to yet another Calvary, that of analyses, explanations, and theories. And it already started on Friday, live on the television. “Specialists” claim that these attacks are the result of the French bombarding of Daech’s fuel installations. The taking of hostages at the Bataclan was hardly over before the same type of guilt attributing speeches could be heard. It’s because ‘we’ did something that they attacked us. Just like with the comic depictions of Mahomet, which were supposedly the impetus for everything that happened afterwards, these specialists make the victims responsible. The French become the guilty party for taking part, for becoming involved. For just simply existing. In fact, for these criminals there is neither beginning nor end in France’s responsibility. For them, human rights, liberty of expression, secularism [laïcité], are values sufficient in and of themselves to legitimize their crimes. And these specialists give us “explanations” that resemble “reasons” and that end up by becoming “justifications.” It is still too early, but in a couple of days, when emotions have settled down, these specialists will begin circling around the dead, these professional vultures who, each and every time, find good reasons for the killers. That’s how it is; that’s part of the process for each assassination attempt: horror, emotion, trivialization, and justification.


“Did you hear these guys yell anything?” *

In the course of these terrible days many words have been pronounced. Except one: “religion.” Religion has become an embarrassing word.  No one dares to say it, but everyone understands that it is religion that motivated these killers, and not some contrived geopolitical considerations. Even if there might exist thousands of ways of believing and practicing, and even if we know that someone can be a believer and yet democratic, can have faith and yet respect diversity of opinion, we also know that religion can be transformed into a weapon of war. The other word so very difficult to pronounce is the word “Islam.” Islam, in the last twenty years, has become a battlefield where radicals want to exterminate unbelievers and to subjugate by force moderates. French Muslims must not be very comfortable seeing the murders committed in the name of their religion, all the while feeling suspicion increase around them.  And because they can expect nothing from the Muslim religious authorities in France, who have always underwhelmed, French Muslims are compelled to face this situation entirely on their own. On the one hand, they are threatened with being marginalized by the rest of French society, and, on the other, by being swallowed up in radicalism.

“They supposedly yelled ‘Allah Akbar!’” *

The only ones interested in seeing the French begin to attack each other are the terrorists. That’s all they want—to see hatred take hold of French citizens like it has taken hold of their own brains. These terrorists are trying to drag everyone into their own violence because that is their language, and in this domain they will always be stronger than us. But avoiding the pitfall of becoming divided should not make us have to give up our right to criticize religion—on the pretext that exercising this right is sometimes irritating. Among all the fundamental liberties that make up our lives, it is also this liberty that the killers wanted to eliminate on that Friday evening.

“Our teams of reporters have been mobilized in order to help you really experience this Friday evening’” *
 
Phrontisterion Middelburg_Nov. 27, 2015

Further reading:
·      Riss’ “Je suis Charlie” editorial: http://nonimprimatur.blogspot.nl/2015/04/a-wager-on-history.html
·      “The left has an Islam problem: If liberals won’t come to terms with religious extremism, the xenophobic right will carry the day” --http://www.salon.com/2015/11/17/the_left_has_an_islam_problem_if_liberals_wont_come_to_terms_with_religious_extremism_the_xenophobic_right_will_carry_the_day/?utm_source=facebook&utm_medium=socialflow
·      In a City of Immigrants, Rotterdam's Muslim Mayor Leads by Example”-- http://www.citylab.com/politics/2015/11/in-a-city-of-immigrants-rotterdams-muslim-mayor-leads-by-example/417075/
·      “Does ISIS really have nothing to do with Islam? Islamic apologetics carry serious risks.”-- https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/acts-of-faith/wp/2015/11/18/does-isis-really-have-nothing-to-do-with-islam-islamic-apologetics-carry-serious-risks/?tid=sm_fb