Monday, December 1, 2014

December & January’s Essay_The Superman & The Eternal Return_The Great Unlearning II



Much has been written, much thought, and much else believed about Nietzsche’s notion of the Übermensch, culminating in what is perhaps the notion’s most inappropriate, because malapropic contemporary translation: ‘It’s a bird…It’s a plane… It’s Superman.’ In this contemporary adaptation it just seems so irresistibly easy to imagine Superman arriving on the scene of some human drama and pronouncing in the mellifluous intonations of the very-French, love-crazed skunk of cartoondom, Pépé le Pew: “I am ze Übermensch.”
Ubermensch, from Nerfnow.com
            In order to talk about Nietzsche’s notion of the Übermensch, we must first needs restore Seneca’s aphorism to “quae philosophia fuit facta philologia est” (“What was philosophy is now become philology”), which, in his 1869 inauguration address on ‘Homer and Classical Philology’ at the University of Basel, the new professor of philology inverted to mean, “What was philology is now become philosophy.” Because it would seem that mainstream opinions about Nietzsche’s Übermensch are more concerned with the possible meanings of the word, Übermensch, than in the philosophico-psychological concept the word is intended to hold up.
            The Übermensch idea remains elusive at least in part due to the prepositional prefix –über (over, beyond, and super (if dragged kicking and screaming through a layer of Latin)) attached to the word –mensch (person), and it has been translated into English diversely—as ‘Beyond-Man’, ‘Superman’, and ‘Overman’. None of these are particularly happy translations, however, because they remain burdened by the compulsion for a one-word for one-word literalism that sometimes, actually many times, just does not work between languages.
           
§ THE ZEITGEIST OF THE 19TH CENTURY

Nietzsche’s Übermensch is conceived in an 18th-19th century thought-world [Gedankenwelt] defined by the two influences of Hebraism, which is to say the Judeo-Christian religious heritage of western civilization, and Hellenism, or the vigorous resurgence of Greek cultural ideas through Anglo-German poetry and scholarship.
            Matthew Arnold published Culture and Anarchy (1869) in the UK to mixed or mostly negative reviews. And yet the framing of that book not only anticipates, but resembles comme deux gouttes d’eau the framing of Nietzsche’s own thinking: the same motifs familiar to readers of Matthew Arnold will inform Nietzsche’s thinking, from the works of his youth, such as Die Kindheit der Völker (1861), which Nietzsche composed as a 15-year old student, through his first scholarly book, The Birth of Tragedy (1872), and the Genealogy of Morality (1887), which goes to show that the “framing” of his ideas will remain significant to Nietzsche throughout his thinking and writing life.
            The title of perhaps the most famous chapter in Arnold’s Culture and Anarchy is “Hebraism and Hellenism,” which suggests a certain opposition of ideas. In a review published recently in The Weekly Standard, a noted American historian calls this antithesis unambiguous:
The governing idea of Hellenism is spontaneity of consciousness; that of Hebraism, strictness of conscience. The uppermost idea with Hellenism is to see things as they really are; the uppermost idea with Hebraism is conduct and obedience. The Greek quarrel with the body and its desires is that they hinder right thinking; the Hebrew quarrel with them is that they hinder right acting. Hellenism is comfortable in the “pursuit or attainment of perfection”; Hebraism, obsessed with sin, sees only “the difficulties which oppose themselves” to perfection.

Both Arnold and Nietzsche are ‘prophets of culture’ who are working within very similar zeitgeistige framings. Yet Arnold and Nietzsche draw strikingly dissimilar conclusions from their thinking. For Arnold, “The two [principles of Hebraism and Hellenism] are not so much opposed, … as “divergent,” animated by “different principles” but having the “same goal” and “aiming at a like final result.” Both are “contributions to human development—august contributions, invaluable contributions.” Both “arise out of the wants of human nature, and address themselves to satisfying those wants.”
            For Nietzsche, on the other hand, as the Genealogy of Morality makes unambiguously clear, the creation of ‘Morality’ is an anti-life evolution of thought, a nihilism that kills the naturally ‘Good’ wherever it comes into existence. For Arnold, it is truly “Hebraism and Hellenism,” whereas for Nietzsche it is “Hebraism vs. Hellenism.” So there are many similarities clearly showing that Matthew Arnold and Friedrich Nietzsche come from the same thought-world, which suggests a more general philosophical arena for these framings and these thoughts. However, there is absolutely no traceable, direct contact between these two thinkers. Nietzsche does not seem to know about Matthew Arnold, nor are there any of Arnold’s writings in Nietzsche’s personal library.

§ UNDERMEN AS OVERMEN – A “HISTORY” OF FALSE STARTS

Nietzsche as Superman, from Metal Gear
Famous, but alas all too typical of the Übermensch idea in normal parlance, is the “Leopold and Loeb” case in Chicago of the 1920s. In the Wiki-telling: L&L are two students who, becoming friends at the University of Chicago and having a shared interest in committing the ‘perfect crime’, dusted off their portable Nietzsche and convinced themselves that they were Übermensch “— transcendent individuals, possessing extraordinary and unusual capabilities, whose superior intellects allowed them to rise above the laws and rules that bound the unimportant, average populace. …[B]y [Leopold’s] interpretation of Nietzsche's doctrines, he was not bound by any of society's normal ethics or rules. Before long he had convinced Loeb that he, too, was an Übermensch. In a letter to Loeb, Leopold wrote, "A superman ... is, on account of certain superior qualities inherent in him, exempted from the ordinary laws which govern men. He is not liable for anything he may do."
            L&L did not succeed in committing the perfect crime; so Clarence Darrow, of Scopes Monkey Trial fame (1925) and otherwise champion of scientifically minded rationalism, was engaged to defend the two men. In the defense of his two clients Darrow succeeded in accomplishing two things. First, it would seem that he probably saved Leopold and Loeb from being executed by the state of Illinois for their murder of Robert Franks, because both were only sentenced to life imprisonment, which seemed to buck the trend at the time. Second, Darrow succeeded in transforming Nietzsche and his notion of the Übermensch into the stooge for human arrogance, a sense of social entitlement and superiority, and evil intent. In Darrow’s version of the facts-and-only-the-facts, L&L were just two normal lads who turned bad because they had had the misfortune of too much philosophy, of reading too much Nietzsche in their youth. It remains undecided whether philosophy in America has ever really shaken this guilt by association.

Some, such as a writer for Philosophy Now, see some kind of connection between Nietzsche’s Übermensch and the Over-soul of Ralph Waldo Emerson, the American transcendentalist, who published “The Over-soul” as Essay IX in his Essays: First Series in 1841. In PN’s article, entitled “Nietzsche’s Übermensch: A Hero of Our Time?,” we read that
The term Übermensch, often translated as Superman or Overman, was not invented by Nietzsche. The concept of hyperanthropos can be found in the ancient writings of Lucian. In German, the word had already been used by Müller, Herder, Novalis, Heine, and most importantly by Goethe in relation to Faust (in Faust, Part I, line 490). In America Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote of the Oversoul, and, perhaps with the exception of Goethe’s Faust, his aristocratic, self-reliant ‘Beyond-man’ was probably the greatest contributor to Nietzsche’s idea of the Übermensch.

It is indisputable that Emerson greatly impressed Nietzsche, an interest and an affinity that spanned Nietzsche’s entire life. Unfortunately, while there does seem to be a demonstrable connection between Carlyle, Goethe, Emerson, and Nietzsche on the notion of the Great Man, that connection does not in any way contribute to or inform our interpretation of Nietzsche’s Übermensch.
            The PN author also draws upon a Fordham University article, Nietzsche’s Zarathustra and Parodic Style: On Lucian’s Hyperanthropos and Nietzsche’s Übermensch, to establish some kind of philologists’ “must-have-been” connection between Nietzsche’s Übermensch and the Greek term coined by the 2nd century AD satirist, Lucian of Samosata. Unfortunately, while it is certainly accurate to say that the term hyper-anthropos is found in the writings of Lucian, it is equally accurate to say that any reference to Lucian in Nietzsche’s corpus is entirely tangential, as opposed to substantial, and that hyperanthropos never occurs in his work.
            Furthermore, the hapax usage of hyperanthropos in Lucian (in The Downward Journey, sec. 16; Loeb, vol. 2, 1999) is employed by a neighbor of the tyrant Megapenthes, whose name is Micyllus, and who says that the tyrant,
appeared to me a super-man, thrice-blessed, better looking and a full royal  cubit taller than almost anyone else ; for he  was uplifted by his good fortune, walked with a  majestic gait, carried his head high and dazzled all he met. But when he was dead, not only did he cut an utterly ridiculous figure in my eyes on being stripped of his pomp, but I laughed at myself even more than at him because I had marveled at such a worthless creature, inferring his happiness from the savour of his kitchen and counting him lucky because of his purple derived from the blood of mussels in  the Laconian Sea. 

As a satiric description attached to the somewhat ludicrous, I-wish-I-weren’t-dead tyrant Megapenthes, who is attempting to negotiate his way out of Hades, this irony-laden connection seems an obscurantist and erudite non-starter as far as the history of Nietzsche’s idea might be concerned.

Other ‘literature’ on the question of the Übermensch is polyphonic and both predictably and unhelpfully inconclusive, although the populist consensus seems determined to associate the concept with eugenics and the creation of a higher biological type. Some, such as Safranski (Nietzsche: A Philosophical Biography, p. 365), arguing a variation on the biologism theme, think that, “Nietzsche intended the ultra-aristocratic figure of the Übermensch to serve as a Machiavellian bogeyman of the modern Western middle class and its pseudo-Christian egalitarian value system.” This interpretative trend was certainly also evident in Nazi thought, which used Nietzsche’s concept of the Übermensch to articulate a particular national version of the Aryan master race.
            Popular culture, as well, has certainly had a wonderful time fussing with Übermensch-type characters, from Siegel’s first villainesque Superman, to G.B. Shaw, and James Joyce. In more philosophically interesting treatments, of course, there are always Ayn Rand’s transmogrifications of the Übermensch into her radically individualistic and supra-moral Supra-Men. Likewise, in George Bernard Shaw’s Man and Superman, a four-act drama written in 1903, there is the famous act called Don Juan in Hell (Act 3, Scene 2), which is often produced as a stand-alone piece. It consists of a dream-act debate concerning the advantages of Hell, which, in quintessentially übermenschlicher style reminiscent of Faust’s Mephistopheles, include art and beauty and love and pleasure, whereas Heaven will only celebrate rational discourse and the dissemination of the Life Force. The Devil defends such hedonistic amenities, whereas Juan wants none of them and heads for a thinker's Heaven. There is a theater review here, and a YouTube version of Don Juan in Hell here.

§ I THOUGHT I SAW AN ÜBERMENSCH… I DID, I DID.

Tweety & Sylverster
There is every sort and variety of opinion ‘out there’ about the Übermensch; and they occupy whatever thought-terrain is fertile enough to sustain them. However, all the above opinions about Nietzsche’s Übermensch are simply wrong and wrong-headed—they have nothing to do with Nietzsche’s thinking. So who is, or can be, an Übermensch? Who exactly are ‘those who have gone beyond’? And, if this is indeed a philosophical model of some sort, or a political model, or a heroic model, what is the exact profile?

There are some Nietzsche scholars who are actually subtle enough in their thinking to understand that Übermensch is not a state of ontology, but rather a state of mind. Nietzsche is not proposing an Antichrist, or a Führer, or a Carlylean Great Man; rather, he is proposing to his readers something much more akin to a philosophico-psychological adjustment such as taught by Epictetus in the Enchiridion: e.g., “Of things that can happen to us in a lifetime, there are some that we can control [are dependent upon us], and some that we cannot control [are not dependent upon us].” Corrections of this type in our thinking, says Nietzsche, will transform us into freie Denker, free thinkers, and ultimately, free minds.
            There is evidence that some contemporary scholars are reading Nietzsche psychologically, such as in the essay entitled ‘Nietzsche and the Greeks’ published recently (2013) in the The Oxford Handbook of Nietzsche. There we read that, “Nietzsche was generally more interested in the psychological consequences of philosophical doctrines than in their content.” There is also a 2010 book, Nietzsche, Psychology, and First Philosophy, which challenges “various traditional views of Nietzsche, taking him at his word when he says that his writing can best be understood as a kind of psychology.”
            It might be helpful to recall our intellectual history—that psychology as a discipline is only a very young blossom on the western vine of knowledge, and only began separating itself from philosophy after the 1850s. So it would seem reasonable, given the time frame, that Nietzsche should in fact consider himself a psychologist; and in fact, the self-identification as psychologist permeates Nietzsche’s writing, and especially the Twilight of the Idols [1888]:
·      Beyond Good and Evil [1886: 76, 20]: “Der neue Psycholog bereitet dem Aberglauben ein Ende, der bisher um die Seelen-Vorstellung wuchterte.”
·      Twilight of the Idols [77, 343]: “Aus meinen Schriften redet ein Psychologe.”
·      Twilight of the Idols [77, 405]: “Es gab vor mir noch gar keine Psychologie.”

Finally, among his aphorisms from Idols is number 35: “Es giebt Fälle, wo wir wie Pferde sind, wir Psychologen, und in Unruhe gerathen: wir sehen unsren eignen Schatten vor uns auf und niederschwanken. Der Psychologe muss von sich absehn, um überhaupt zu sehn.”

Nietzsche the psychologist, then, reminds us that it is the wrong question to ask for models of what the Übermensch can be… It is not about some particular model of a more-than-human, but rather the mental context of an übermenschlich state of mind.
            As a psychological moment, the Übermensch-realization is actually a fusion of two distinct insight-events. Aristotle, in his Poetics [1452a&b], refers to the first insight-event as a discovery [anagnorisis], as the recognition of the moment of “seeing” something, of grasping the truth about something, of the ah-ha moment when we ‘get it’. It is that very private moment in the life of our mind when, finally, the light bulb goes on and we realize that… for example, our partner does not love us, or that someone has been cheating on us, or that our boss has been defrauding the company, or, or, or…
            Obviously, there are untold examples of this insight-event in literature, but it is important for Nietzsche that these moments should be psychologically correct, that they should correspond to the actually lived human condition of mind, and that they should take us beyond ourselves into a different sphere of knowing.

Aristotle himself thinks that Sophocles’ depiction of this moment in the life of Oedipus is superb—the moment when Oedipus, cast down under the weight of his misery and shame, stabs out his eyes, finally realizing that blind, he would see no worse than with his eyes wide open.
            There are also other great and moving insight-events in literature, such as when Ajax falls upon his sword after finally realizing that Athena has deceived him and blinded him through folly; or when Viktor Frankenstein realizes that the creature he has made is no man, but a monster; or when Milton’s Satan [Book 9; lns. 458-466], standing before Eve and contemplating even then the enormity of the evil he was going to bring into her life in Paradise, is struck dumb before her loveliness.
                                    Her heavenly form
Angelic, but more soft, and feminine,
Her graceful innocence, her every air
Of gesture, or least action, overawed
His malice, and with rapine sweet bereaved
His fierceness of the fierce intent it brought:
That space the Evil-one abstracted stood
From his own evil, and for the time remained
Stupidly good; of enmity disarmed,
Of guile, of hate, of envy, of revenge:

However humanly touching these illustrations may be, none of these particular insight-events actually captures what Nietzsche intends with his Übermensch-realization, which is an insight-event actually quite limited in scope. In addition to the insight-event as a psychological event, Nietzsche’s Übermensch-realization is also about a very specific type of realization. It is about the insight that dawns on us when we finally grasp that Everything we have “believed” about Value, about morality and moral thinking, about right and wrong and good and evil, and about human destiny, is philosophical misdirection.  It is a layer of fiction applied to a world of fact—an unhappy because antagonistic joining if ever there was.
            Through his Zarathustra, Nietzsche has undertaken the task of radically rethinking the foundations of morality, and of imagining the psychological and emotional consequences of that rethinking in the normal course of a life. Just imagine the psychic wreckage and emotional damage! Just imagine the courage needed, the daring, to overcome; and the innocence and willingness to throw ourselves, body and soul, into a life that is to be newly created and defined each and every day, entirely by us.
            Nietzsche’s Zarathustra is the story of such a mental and emotional journey, which has three quite distinct segments. As the journey begins, (and we have to remember that this is a journey possible to each one of us through the imagination), Zarathustra has to imagine first that he is a camel. The camel is the perfect Beast of Burden; it is an animal that carries, almost as if by second nature, burdens that are not his own. The first leg of Zarathustra’s journey, then, is to become aware that he also, like the camel, carries a burden that is not properly his own—the burden of ideas and values and beliefs that are inherited through the mother milk, which grow up inside us as we grow up, almost as a second skeleton, which becomes so fundamental to our psyche that it organizes all the spaces of our minds into our own private character.
            The lion characterizes the second segment of Zarathustra’s journey of the mind. This segment of the journey, which demands all the courage of the lion, happens only in the solitary wastelands of the mind, where we give battle to the fiction of inherited morality, where we finally push it away from our minds and dare to stand alone in human history, finally.
            The child embodies the third and final segment of Zarathustra’s journey of the imagination. What happens to us, emotionally, when we finally dare to step out of an abusive or horrible situation? There is a sense of relief, certainly; but there is also a sense of being overwhelmed because we have to start all over again. So, says Nietzsche, we have to put on the mind of the child – to accept in all innocence the new-Beginning of the world that stands before us; and we have to go on to create anew our life, not just physically, but also and especially psychically.

Thus spoke Zarathustra.

§ ETERNALLY RETURNING – WINDMILLS IN YOUR MIND.

Psychological Time
According to Nietzsche, a fundamental element of the Übermensch life of the mind is the recognition of the Eternal Return of the Same, or Eternal Recurrence. As an idea, this certainly brings back to mind the Noel Harrison tube, “The Windmills of Your Mind,” that was such a smash in the late 1960s.
Round like a circle in a spiral, like a wheel within a wheel
Never ending or beginning on an ever spinning reel
[…]
Like a clock whose hands are sweeping past the minutes of its face
And the world is like an apple whirling silently in space
Like the circles that you find in the windmills of your mind!


Nietzsche’s thinking about the Übermensch is framed in the zeitgeist of his century, which tended to separate time into sacred or divine history [e.g., Hebraism; Heilsgeschichte] and human empirical time [Hellenism; Geschichte]. This is a distinction that will also be much and usefully exploited by the philosopher and historian of religion, Mircea Eliade.
            First in Nietzsche’s thinking about the eternal return, is the idea that divine or Christian history is a linear conception. This is to say that we humans enter into the sacred flowing at some point, and the current takes us unidirectionally toward the culmination of time in the Parousia of God. This linear notion of history, or divine history, reasons Nietzsche, usurped at some remote time the Greek or natural pagan notion of history, which saw time as a series of recurring revolutions or cycles in the ‘great clock of being’ (Zarathustra). For Nietzsche, the Übermensch stands before a choice—to live out his life through unidirectional divine time, which is the destruction of fully human time and, thus, a nihilism, or to cast himself into the multi-faceted organization of the world’s, and so into man’s, natural time: “…it is the world which redeems our contingent existence, reintegrating the Christian ego into the order of cosmic necessity, i.e., into the eternal recurrence of the same” [Gay Savoir § 341-342, under “the heaviest burden” and “the death of God” § 343]. Clifford Geertz, the American anthropologist, will translate this idea into the following: ‘One of the most significant facts about us may finally be that we all begin with the natural equipment to live a thousand kinds of life but end in the end having lived one.’
            Natural cyclical time, where we enter and re-enter into the full stream of a fully human experience and creation of time, is an ancient concept found not only in the philosophies of India and Egypt, but also in Greek antiquity, and notably among the Stoics and Pythagoreans. Nietzsche encapsulates this idea in a very Epictetan or Stoic value: Amor fati, a Latin expression about ‘embracing one’s fate’ because it is one’s own. In his book Meaning in History, Karl Löwith reminds us on this point (p. 216) that Nietzsche introduces this idea, “not as a metaphysical doctrine but as an ethical imperative: to live as if “the eternal hourglass of existence” will continually be turned, in order to impress on each of our actions the weight of an inescapable responsibility.”
            Among the Greeks the notion of Eternal Recurrence was normative, and included living a life “in harmony with nature” (Plato’s Philebus); the idea of circularity (of lives, the process of generation and creation, orbit of planets, etc.) – Heraclitus, Empedocles, Pythagoras, Plato (cf. esp. Timaeus, The Statesman, and The Republic), Aristotle, Eudemos of Rhodes, the Stoics, and the Hellenistic astronomer Hipparchus, who will contribute the idea of the equinox precession (the slow spin of the earth) to Plato’s Great Year, which idea will recur later in Cicero’s De Natura Deorum.
Like a circle in a spiral, like a wheel within a wheel
Never ending or beginning on an ever spinning reel
As the images unwind, like the circles that you find in
The windmills of your mind!

Saturday, November 1, 2014

November's Essay_Nietzsche, Eichmann and Heidegger—Rub-a-dub-dub.


Once upon a time, in the hallways of history, there happened a meeting of minds between a philosophically illuminated poet, a toadying technocrat, and a mystic given to the arcane. A meeting that gave birth to a catastrophe of all too human proportions.

Nietzsche, in soul and in spirit, is brother in arms to Milton’s Moloc:
                                                            Scepter'd King
Stood up, the strongest and the fiercest Spirit
That fought in Heav'n; now fiercer by despair:
His trust was with th' Eternal to be deem'd
Equal in strength, and rather then be less
Care'd not to be at all; with that care lost
Went all his fear: of God, or Hell, or worse
He reck'd not….”

This poet-philosopher gave prophetic voice to a foundation myth about the origins, and especially the decline, of morality in the west. Bespeaking a more than true psychological insight or intuition about the invention and breakdown of morality, Nietzsche’s philosophical myth would later serve as stage directions for the creation of the German state under the Nazis.

Eichmann, on the other hand, as more recent history seems clearly to be attesting, might appear on the world-stage as the incarnation of Milton’s Belial:
                                                            he seemd
For dignity compos'd and high exploit:
But all was false and hollow; though his Tongue
Dropt Manna, and could make the worse appear
The better reason, to perplex and dash
Maturest Counsels: for his thoughts were low;
To vice industrious, but to Nobler deeds
Timorous and slothful: yet he pleas'd the ear,”

Eichmann, a servile architect of a state designed according to Nazi ideology, laboured at a particular period in the history of the German people to create a very specific application for Nietzsche’s mytho-philosophical insight, an application whose composition and legacy was human engineered death on a mass scale.

The last of the protagonists in our drama, Heidegger, the mystical voice of philosophical anti-rationalism and unenlightenment, continued timorously to trace his career path unhindered within the historical framework of this technocratic ideology. In this, Heidegger the Accommodator is like Milton’s Mammon:
                                                “Let us not then pursue
By force impossible, by leave obtain'd
Unacceptable, though in Heav'n, our state
Of splendid vassalage, but rather seek
Our own good from our selves, and from our own
Live to our selves, though in this vast recess,
Free, and to none accountable, preferring
Hard liberty before the easie yoke
Of servile Pomp. Our greatness will appeer
Then most conspicuous, when great things of small,
Useful of hurtful, prosperous of adverse
We can create, and in what place so e're
Thrive under evil, and work ease out of pain
Through labour and indurance.”

We backward-viewers of this dramatic meeting can at least be certain about this, however, which is that Friedrich Nietzsche is in no way responsible for or causally linked to Adolf Eichmann’s ideological repurposing of his philosopher’s mytho-poetic explanatory fantasy, nor for another philosopher’s, Martin Heidegger’s, tailspin into a German nationalistic mysticism. Nor would the holocaust of the German period have been avoided had Nietzsche never articulated or published his philo-genealogizing myth.
            This latter realization would also seem to suggest for our consideration that, in a world becoming progressively post-“moral” (using Nietzsche’s definition of morality), the reinvention of a supposed Greek ideal/idyll, which was the historico-philosophical juncture of our three actors, is perhaps not only impossible, but also ultimately undesirable. Perhaps, in the face of the Eichmanns and other ideologists who appear regularly on the world’s stages, and who seek to embody Nation and Race as material and therefore intuitively “natural” moral values, we are, after all, looking at the true face of Nietzsche’s natural, Zarathustrian Man—the fully human animal.

NIETZSCHE
            On the Genealogy of Morality is a philosophical myth, and neither a critical philosophical analysis nor an argument of any reasonable sort. It is a retroscopic myth, much like Plato’s Republic, that harks back to the putative roots of ideas and idea-traditions; and the purpose of this myth is to provide a perhaps more than true explanation, albeit of a once-upon-a-time sort, about how western “morality” came into existence. Mythopoetically, Nietzsche conceives of Morality negatively, as a celebration of the values espoused by a priestly caste: of weakness and vulnerability, of other-worldliness, and of the hatred of the body and the this-worldly body-life. “Blessed are the poor in spirit: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are they that mourn: for they shall be comforted. Blessed are the meek: for they shall inherit the earth.”
            In Nietzsche’s myth these priestly-minded ones, who were natural-born “outsiders” to the heroic warrior nobility celebrated and valued by the Greeks (think: Homer and the Heroic Code), achieved ascendancy first by separating themselves from the naturally “good” nobility of the Greeks, then by conflating the value of the naturally good, which espoused this-Life with gusto, with the value of the unnaturally “moral,” which, not measuring up to the challenges of this-Life, championed the after-Life.
            On this telling there were, once upon a time, The Greeks, an ancient people of Virtue who were ethical (good) in the most natural and innocent sense of that term; they were good and noble; a warrior caste in which one man’s worth, in terms of strength or of intelligence or of oration, was always measured against another man’s. This was in the pre-moral age of the west. Then, at a certain point in the history of Western Man, the Religious Man, the Priest, went to war against the Virtuous Man; it was a war provoked by a sense of outrage and a desire for revenge (Nietzsche’s ressentiment), because not all men are excellent warriors, or cunning, or highly valued contenders on the stage of humanly conceived time. These “others,” who fell outside the natural Greek world of values, were the non-contenders, the vulnerable, the meek, the herd; they are, says Nietzsche, the spiritual ancestors to Western Jewish and Christian thought, and therefore the original nihilists – the naysayers of the vigorous Life.
            Nietzsche’s Genealogy of Morals is a pseudo-historical reconstruction myth. It is not a philosophy argument “in favour of” the breakdown of moral thought, but rather, a philosophical analysis of the birth of “morals” as a nihilistic redefinition of “virtue,” a retelling of the Changeling myth, where an after-Life replaces a here-and-now Life, an ex-change that went unnoticed for some 2,000 years until its true character began to tell in this, the period of its final disintegration.
            According to the Nietzschean myth, the moralistic nihilism or other-than-this-Life sentiment at the heart of religious thinking, stands in opposition to an entirely human ethic of natural virtue as goodness, as, for example, was articulated in the Greece of antiquity; and Nietzsche prophesies for us in his myth a future breakdown of this naysayer “morality.” Nietzsche’s analysis is not an attempt at an applied ethic of any sort; rather, it is the mythical theory of a historical rise, and then the modern fall, of a “moral” system of articulating a world that is no world of or for natural men.
           
EICHMANN
            Now, what if one were to conceive of the possibility that Nietzsche’s philosophical myth was actually “true” and that some version of a changeling event occurred in the history of western ideas, and what if that one were also to accept the obvious conclusion that the creation of a fully human ethic grounded in the this-worldly experience of the human animal is the future job of men, and especially of philosophers?
            Would it not also be conceivable to envision the possible historical rise of a Nazi political ethic, of the sort articulated by Eichmann in Jerusalem—a wedding between an evolutionary worldview as the frame for human action, and the persuasiveness of a prophetic myth that “shows” that the religious mythological framing for human value is ultimately unmenschlich because anti-Life? But then comes the Crito moment. Because in addition to the wedded philosophical concoction Eichmann argues for at his trial, the audience slowly comes to the realization that Eichmann has also arrived at conclusions diametrically opposed to those drawn by Plato in his philosophical drama, Crito.
            Plato’s Crito is about the death of Socrates. Just before drinking the hemlock, Socrates is engaged in conversation with his long-time friend, Crito, who tries to persuade Socrates that he must not allow the state to put him to death, that he must live. Crito argues for the survival in the here and now of a valuable human’s life (such as Socrates’ life), while Socrates quietly reminds his friend that the physical life of the body is of little worth when measured against the good life, which is the life lived honourably and justly. On this philosophical question, however, Eichmann sided with Crito. He argued not only that the physical life of a valuable group—the German nation, is a grounded value, but also that the survival of the preferred group must come about by the death of another (in)valuable group—the Jews.
            Truly a concatenation of ideas to die for…

But is it really such a stretch to imagine a translation of a philosophical or prophetic myth into a political reality? Is this in fact not absolutely inevitable at some point, and therefore predictable? The “argument” of the Crito is represented by a drama in which Socrates makes the case for the just and honourable life, which is the life of philosophical virtue, but where Crito makes the case simply for the material life of the body. Enter Eichmann.

In her recent book Eichmann Before Jerusalem [Knopf, 2014; original German 2011], the German historian Bettina Stangneth performs two public services. First, she provides a rectification for the myth created by Hanna Arendt concerning the perceived mousy or underwhelming personality of the man Eichmann by opening up for public perusal all the most recent archives concerning the historical Eichmann and his very personal monument to Nazi thought – the holocaust. And while her historical overhaul of Eichmann does not pose any direct challenge to Arendt’s theoretical notion of the banality of evil, it does abrogate the specific use of Eichmann as an embodiment of that theory. Second, she lays out “in his own words” Eichmann’s philosophical apologia sua vita, which reveals an Eichmann/Crito of horrifyingly insightful philosophical clarity.

Point One in Eichmann’s apology: innocence before the Law, God, and Men (p. 216). “’Without making any kind of Pilate-like gesture, I find that I am not guilty before the law, and before my own conscience; and with me the people who were my subordinates during the war. For we were all… little cogs in the machine of the Head Office for Reich Security, and thus, during the war, little cogs in the great drivetrain of the murdering motor: war.” The oath of allegiance that bound everyone, ‘friend and foe,’ was the ‘highest obligation that a person can enter into,’ and everyone had to obey it. Across the world, leaders had really only given a single order: ‘the destruction of the enemy.’ For Eichmann, the idea that the war had been a total, global one, in which the goal was to eliminate the enemy, was a simple statement of fact. His radical biologism led to the belief that a ‘final victory’ was imperative: the unavoidable war between the races would leave only one remaining.”

Point Two: general morality is on Eichmann’s side (pp. 216-217). So ‘What about morality?’ asks Eichmann. […] “’There are a number of moralities: a Christian morality, a morality of ethical values, a morality of war, a morality of battle. Which will it be?’ The leadership of the nation, Eichmann goes on to explain, has always stood above the thought of individuals. To illustrate, he brings in the Old Testament and also modern science: the church, too, recognizes the power of the state as the highest guiding principle on earth….”

Point Three: Moral thinking in the west leads to the conclusion of obedience to authority (p. 217). “…’inner morality’ is all well and good, but the most important thing is always the will of the nation’s leaders—not simply because they have the power to force people to obey, but because they act only on behalf of the people. THEREFORE [emphasis mine] a person should not allow his inner morality to conflict with his orders; he should see that these orders are for the good of the people and carry them out with conviction. […] I found my parallels quite plainly and simply in nature. […] [T]he more I listened to the natural world, whether microcosm or macrocosm, the less injustice I found, not only in the demands made by the government of my people, to which I belong, but … also in the goals of our enemies’ governments and leaders. Everyone was in the right, when seen from his own standpoint.’ In other words: everyone wanted total war, and that fact provided the legitimation of everyone to wage it, using every means necessary, both ‘conventional and unconventional.’”

Point Four: evolutionary theory as the basis for ethical theory (p. 218-219). ‘Eichmann completely rejected traditional ideas of morality, in favour of the no-holds-barred struggle for survival that nature demanded. […] The struggle among the races was in essence a struggle for resources—a basic idea familiar to many people concerned about future wars over oil and drinking water today. […] The only thing that mattered was one’s own people. […] Philosophy in the classical sense, as the search for transcultural categories and a global orientation, was an error, because it sought universals and did not accept dependence on ethnicity. … As such philosophy has no homeland, but—and it is crucial to realize this connection—to the purveyors of Nazi ideology, philosophy had a people. According to Nazi ideology and Hitler’s tirades, there was one ‘race’ that, having no homeland, had an international bent and revered the unbounded freedom of the mind: the Jews.’”

Point Five: conclusion (p. 219). ‘Only an ethnic thought makes it possible to build a national character, and humanitarian talk only allows this character to become confused and weakened. In an ideology that sees reconnecting with ‘blood and soil’ as the only means of survival, any international outlook mutates into the ultimate threat. This threat must be destroyed before a global morality destroys concepts of the German ethnic morality and undermines German defences. Or as the head of the NSDAP Head Office for Racial Politics clearly stated in 1939: ‘There can be no possible agreement with systems of thoughts of an international nature, because at bottom these are not truth and not honest, but based on a monstrous lie, namely the lie of the equality of all human beings.”’

According to Stangneth (p. 220), Arendt, a classically trained philosopher, was only able to see an Eichmann who uses philosophy as a blunt tool without being guided by its undergirding of moral intentionality; thus the imprudent analysis one finds in her Eichmann in Jerusalem. But what one discovers in Eichmann’s apologia is a surprisingly well-informed “Nietzschean” analysis of his historical circumstances.
            There are two sides to the Platonic equation, and Eichmann simply disagreed with Plato’s conclusion, valuing Crito’s thinking about the life of ‘the good’ instead of Socrates’ dogmatic assertion that “the good life” is better than just life itself.

In his “A Message to the 21st Century,” Oxford philosopher Isaiah Berlin wrote: “[Heinrich Heine] predicted that the armed disciples of the German philosophers—Fichte, Schelling, and the other fathers of German nationalism—would one day destroy the great monuments of Western Europe in a wave of fanatical destruction before which the French Revolution would seem child’s play. This may have been unfair to the German metaphysicians, yet Heine’s central idea seems to me valid: in a debased form, the Nazi ideology did have roots in German anti-Enlightenment thought. There are men who will kill and maim with a tranquil conscience under the influence of the words and writings of some of those who are certain that they know perfection can be reached.”
            Isaiah Berlin’s dying dilemma, of course, also hems in us western thinkers on every side: “So what is to be done to restrain the champions, sometimes very fanatical, of one or other of these values, each of whom tends to trample upon the rest, as the great tyrants of the twentieth century have trampled on the life, liberty, and human rights of millions because their eyes were fixed upon some ultimate golden future?” And that very wise Oxford philosopher could only offer this consolation: “I am afraid I have no dramatic answer to offer: only that if these ultimate human values by which we live are to be pursued, then compromises, trade-offs, arrangements have to be made if the worst is not to happen.”
           
HEIDEGGER
            Ruin bubbled up out of an historical meeting of minds—a meeting at which an illuminated German poet-philosopher fantasized about a alleged moral battle of ideas in our western past, and prophesied about a free-thinking future for those with the courage of their insight; a toadying technocrat with delusions of philosophy designed and engineered a eugenic future for the German state, adding his own special ingredient of materialism and tunnel-visioned nationalism to the idea of a state liberated from future morality; and a mystical philosopher given to obfuscation and linguistic camouflage pursued his pedantic work of “making straight the way” for the future spiritual potential of the German people.

Martin Heidegger is the mystical voice of philosophical anti-rationalism and unenlightenment; and in at least one respect he is like Milton’s Mammon – that he picked his tedious way along the wood-paths of his thinking entirely occupied with his own affairs, while the Nazi state was busy erecting a nation of dead around him. It is obvious that Heidegger is Nietzsche’s post-cursor in terms of method and style; because in an attempt to discover a language vehicle appropriate to articulating un- or anti-rational thought, this thinker who “declare[s] war on rationalism right through to the bitter end,” attempts to fuse poetry and philosophy.

There are also interesting ‘intersections of ideas’ between Eichmann and Heidegger, which may be indicative of a discourse wafting on l’air du temp as elements of a nationalist zeitgeist, as they may be intersections of a truer, deeper philosophical persuasion. For Eichmann, this type of thinking seems clearly to be politico-philosophical; for Heidegger, however, whose reflections on the questions of Volk and Nation become progressively more poignant as the war against Germany begins working toward its dénouement, there is a marked numinous quality that shades his words throughout.

On total war: 18.05.1940 (p. 167)—“…our enemies, even though they have their aircraft & armoured cars, still think along the old lines & have to rethink matters from one day to the next. With us, however, the complete mastery of technology has in advance produced a quite different kind of strategic thought. In addition, the invasions are sufficiently well rehearsed. Now we will see how a breakthrough of this new sort can also be secured & its consequences turned to account differently from 1917 &’18. The ruthless ‘operation’ is in itself also an unconditional commitment to the inner lawfulness of the unconditional mechanization of warfare. The single person disappears as an individual, but at the same time he has the opportunity to be informed of how the whole thing stands in the quickest possible way at any day & any time.”

On the deliberate hiddenness of Heidegger’s writing—22.05.1940 (p. 168)—“There’s no knowing when the time will come for my work to have an ‘effect’. But I believe that in the steps it takes & through the realms it enters, it will –one day in the future when ‘philosophy’ is essential again—have an effect, simply in the way ‘philosophy’ does have an effect, invisibly & indirectly;”

Das Volk, not necessarily as a material people, but as a spiritual assembly—9.06.1942 (p. 132)–in the context of German nationalists: “…we want to try to bring together the people who share an inner bond-”

Das Volk as a clearly material entity—02.02.1945 (p. 185)—“Yet what really wears one down is the fate of this people, especially when thinking beholds it in its western essence & with a destiny such as this.”

Das Volk—17.02.1945 (p. 186) –“Over everything there now lies a rubble of incongruity and strangeness, which is all the more disconcerting because it was heaped by one’s own people over the hidden striving of its own essence to grope its way to the truth.”

The Nation—08.4.1946 (pp. 197-198)– “In everything dark & confused about the path a providence is concealed. The unthinkable destiny of our fatherland & the fate still in store for it is where we belong, in the most secret of workshops, gaining ever fresh heart from the growing knowledge.”

Heidegger also leaves us with his version of a veiled NotaBene—When one is anchored into the world-geist, which is the primordial Seyn of the world, then the only means of abiding in that world-geist is through poetry, because it is both essential [radical]—flowing from the wellsprings of the real self, and creative.

It would seem that, at least on one level, the problem with Men and their Ideas and their Technologies is that Human History is the playground for all our experiments, good and bad, right and wrong. History is replete with Frankenstein-type stories—The Garden of Eden, Pandora’s Box, Caligula, Faust, MacBeth, Frankenstein—stories where the kernel revolves around the notion of knowledge gone too far afield, too quickly. And Man has not ever demonstrated that he has the spiritual or emotional maturity to keep pace with his knowledge and linked technology.
            But then the problem of knowledge has never been whether man should possess tools or processes & methods that allow him to delve into the unknown; rather, it has always been about spoilage by misapplication – the slow process of taking one ‘piece’ of information and consistently stretching it by application and misapplication until it becomes a knowing of different things entirely, and for different reasons.
            The ideas of philosophy, for better and for worse, have never been the problem. Rather, we Men do not seem to have the type of Will to Goodness, the Character of Virtue, to wrap ourselves around the ideas of the world in a way that consistently yields either Beauty or Kindness.

Further Reading:
Isaiah Berlin, “A Message to the 21st Century,” in The New York Review of Books; http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2014/oct/23/message-21st-century/?insrc=hpma
Bettina Stangneth, Eichmann Before Jerusalem, Knopf, 2014; original German 2011
Martin Heidegger; Gertrud Heidegger, Letters to his wife, 1915-1979, Polity Press, 2010.
David Aiken, “Praxis and Technology. Or, The Stalemate Between Knowing and Doing,” Panel Discussion; 1997.